Showing posts with label René Levesque. Show all posts
Showing posts with label René Levesque. Show all posts

Thursday, June 23, 2011

Suggested Reading for the Fête St. Jean

 Here are some past post regarding the Fete Saint- celebration that you may find interesting;

Tuesday, June 23, 2009 

St. Jean Baptiste Day, Time To Get Out Of Town
The fact that the two anglophone acts, Bloodshot Bill and the band Lake of Stew were re-invited to perform in a Fete St-Jean show after being dis-invited should not be taken as a sign that the celebration is becoming more open towards minorities, nothing could be further from the truth.
The only reason for the re-integration of the anglos was the intolerable level of negative publicity.
After a couple of days of futilely defending the indefensible, organizers decided that it would be wiser to beat a tactical retreat...this time.

Wednesday, June 2, 2010


La Fête Nationale - 20% of Quebeckers Don't Count

The organizing committee of Montreal's  Fête St. Jean celebration held a news conference to announce it's plans for the big show in Maisonneuve Park and proudly and merrily let it be known that in no uncertain terms, English artists will be excluded.

There'll be no repeat of last year's fiasco where English artists were invited, dis-invited and then reinstated to perform at a local Fête Nationale celebration in a Montreal district.

To wild applause, the Comité de la Fête nationale de Montréal through it's spokesman Guy A. Lepage, proudly announced that the celebration in Maisonneuve park will be a French only affair.
"We have a panoply of artists this year, which I think, is very representative of the Quebec we know..."  Guy A. Lepage
Maybe Mr. Lepage doesn't know Quebec as well as he thinks. He ignores the fact that 20% of the population of Quebec is English or ethnic. Most of them live Montreal, pushing the percentage even higher in the city where this "French" only show will be held.

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

René Levesque In A Skirt?
I finally got around to watching a recorded TV version of the Fete Saint Jean parade which was held on June 24th.
For most anglos, attending the parade is not high on the things-to-do-before-you-die list. The parade is so far out in the east end of Montreal that those of us who would wish to attend would need to pack a suitcase.
The short parade (1 hour) clearly suffers from a lack of sponsorship, it's plainly evident that there aren't too many companies keen to be identified with what is clearly a nationalist/sovereignist manifestation. The only sponsors I could make out (aside from the state monopolies) were Amaro water and Labatt's beer. It made for an amateurish and decidedly lame affair.

Wednesday, June 17, 2009

Fête St. Jean versus Fête Nationale -Which is it?
The recent brouhaha concerning the ousting and subsequent reinstatement of Anglo artists at Quebec's annual celebrations brings up an interesting question.
What exactly are we celebrating on June 24?

When I was young, there wasn't any doubt. The holiday was called 'La Fete St. Jean' and was a celebration of French Canadian culture. That was it, period.

Tuesday, April 26, 2011

Separatists Hit Panique Button

Easter weekend has not been kind to Gilles Duceppe and the Bloc Quebecois as poll after poll describe the fortunes of the party in a precipitous decline, now trailing the Ndp in popularity, something none of the experts dared predict before the election.

This last weekend has been particularly unnerving to those in the sovereignist movement and since the news dropped that two out of the three major polling firms have placed the Ndp ahead of the Bloc Quebecois, confusion and panic has set in.
Although Duceppe has started to attack Layton, the NDP leader appears to have a latex exterior and so far the political attacks have bounced harmlessly off the dapper politician. Let's be honest, it's hard to demonize Jack Layton.
The Conservatives have taken a much more subtle approach, likening Layton to an affectionate old uncle, loved and appreciated but not to be trusted with the family wallet.

One of the most sacrosanct beliefs held by expert Quebec-watchers is that support for sovereignty and independence has a bedrock base of about 30%.
It has become an accepted fact that this 30% will remain militant sovereignists come hell or high water and will always vote for the sovereignist option, just as it is accepted that about 45% of Quebeckers will always vote for the federalist option, again, no matter what.

Commodity traders describe a 'resistance line', or a 'trading range' to refer to a product like pork bellies or frozen orange juice's traditional price range.

When the product 'breaks out' either above or below this range, it becomes a wildly unpredictable affair and the so-called 'experts' throw up their hands and watch the unfolding scenario, unable to realistically predict the final outcome.
If recent polls are to be believed, support for the Bloc Quebecois has fallen below the critical 30% level, with the EKOS poll and IPSOS-REID poll both putting the Bloc support at 27%. In fairness, a third poll done by NANOS pegs the Bloc support at 32%. LINK

That being said, what is noteworthy, is that all three polls have support for the Bloc falling in this last week of the campaign and if the trend continues, no one can predict with any certainty what the actual results will be in terms of who will be elected..

It is important to note that about 70% of Bloc voters (or former Bloc voters) indicate that the Ndp is their second choice and with the Liberals floundering in Quebec rather helplessly, it's also hard to see a Bloc voter going anywhere else but the Ndp, the Conservatives certainly not an option.

So why the change of heart?
Anyone who claims they have the answer is Monday morning quarterback.

No doubt there is a bandwagon effect going on, similar to the one a couple of years ago that saw the ADQ make a giant provincial election breakthrough, also at the separatist's expense.
But since then, things have fallen back to normal with the Pq and the Liberals holding the majority of support and seats provincially.

It's fair to ask if this infatuation with Jack Layton and the Ndp is a one-off thing.

But for the moment, there's no doubt that about one-third of historical Bloc voters are looking for something else. It seems that Jack Layton has struck a cord and for many of the disillusioned, a vote for the Ndp is a well-placed and acceptable protest vote.

For the sovereignists, desperation has set in.
Yesterday morning the Bloc had brought back out of retirement, a frail yet hearty Jacques Parizeau to hit the campaign trail to inspire the troops with warnings of impending doom and gloom.

If they could, separatists would dig up the corpse of Rene Levesque, slap on a new suit and a little makeup and get Andre Philippe Gagnon to mouth his voice in a couple of well-placed TV commercials.

That's how desperate things are..

Whether the trend will hold until election day is the $64,000 question and if it does, what exactly the effect on the actual election will be is an open question. The new Ndp support is so diffused that whether it can make a difference in more than a few ridings is questionable.
It will however, help secure the fortunes of Quebec Tory incumbents who were thought to be in danger due to the arena fiasco. It will undoubtedly, help Conservative independent MP, Andre Arthur save his seat as well as Justin Trudeau.

As for the rest, there aren't more than a half dozen close races and whether the Ndp surge can take more than a projected two seats in Quebec, remains to be seen.

Interestingly, the big Ndp bump seems to be an exclusively Francophone affair and although no hard statistics are available, I don't think Jack Layton's new found strength translates into the English community. If it did, it would be good news for at least two Conservative candidates, Larry Smith and Saulie Zajdel, both who need some help to overcome traditional Liberal support to have any hope of winning.

At the end of the day, whether the Bloc returns to Ottawa with thirty seats or fifty seats is of little consequence if Harper gets his majority government.
That remains the overriding concern for Quebec nationalists who rightfully consider this the overriding matter at hand.


BTW::::

I'm off to the Canadiens game tonight with my son and so I hope readers will wish us LUCK!!!!
To the Vancouver Canucks and their fans, I hope all works out for you guys later tonight!

KEEP THE FAITH!!!!!!!!!!

Wednesday, March 2, 2011

French language Militants Organizing to Fight Grade Six Bilingualism

One of Quebec's dirtiest little secrets is that the powers that be, the entrenched educators, most politicians, the unions and the civil service, all share a unique view of Quebec as a unilingual country/province, where English should be discouraged rather than promoted.

This of course doesn't jive with what the general public wants, a province which is French, but where every child is taught to speak English as a matter of public policy.

In a battle of wills, it's not hard to predict that it will be the powerful and entrenched, French-only militants who will prevail in imposing their view of a unilingual Quebec on the powerless public.

Premier Charest's pronouncement that sixth grade school children will be treated to half a school year of English immersion sent sub-surface shock waves throughout the intelligentsia who view this possibility as a dangerous development, a project to be nipped in the bud as soon as possible.

The reality is that the Premier's promise of English immersion is another pipe dream, similar to the promise he made during the last election campaign that we could expect reduced wait times in emergency rooms.
Both are lofty ideals, but unfortunately neither is attainable in present day Quebec.

And so six years after the Liberals took power with the promise of improving wait time in the emergency room, Quebec has sunk to last place in North America, where it takes an average of  1026 minutes or about 17 hours to be treated, wherein the average in the United States is 240 minutes. LINK

Better to move the public debate to a new and different unattainable promise than to mire in the failure  of the past.

For the powers that be, keeping Quebec unilingual is viewed as a necessary evil that protects and maintains the French language and Quebec's unique culture. The present day policy of functional unilingualism acts as the  'FRENCH CURTAIN' that envelopes Quebec's borders and keeps citizens from exercising free movement due to their inability to communicate with the outside world.

Author Christian Dufour, sums up neatly the pathological fear that many Francophone intellectuals share;
"If all Quebeckers become very bilingual, they will buy more records, newspapers and books in English. It will create a decline in interest for our cultural products, already heavily subsidized. ...
"It's a a regression of identity, It means that those who do not speak English are not functional, as if being French no longer sufficed, that English was a necessity to exist.
LINK
In a letter to the editor a reader, dead set against the teaching of English summons the same hackneyed excuses that are the hallmark of bilingualism foes.
" Although I think the teaching of English should be improved in Quebec, I disagree with the government's plan mandating the exclusive learning of English for half of the 6th year, compressing all other academic subjects in the other half. Where will we find the specialist teachers who will be needed? Teachers are already in an impossible situation, that is, to integrate students with learning disabilities in regular classes. Now we want every child, whatever his strengths and weaknesses, to become bilingual while assimilating a school year in 5 months"
And so support for the existing FRENCH CURTAIN of ignorance remains strong and like the IRON CURTAIN of the communist era, it may be cynical and cruel, but undeniably effective. Francophone Quebeckers are the least mobile of all Canadians and are culturally and linguistically dependent on the province, like an infant attached to its mother's breast, a pleasing state of affairs to militants.

Take for example the exodus of newly-minted anglophone doctors who are exiting the province at a rate of about 50% due to the gross iniquity in remuneration and working conditions as compared to any other place in North America. Yet francophone colleagues remain steadfastly at home, tied to the province through the language and cultural handicap.

For language militants and separatists, this represents a happy state of affairs, not something to be trifled with at all.

And so unless you are a unionized government employee (including government corporation like Hydro-Quebec)  or a unionized construction worker, working in French in Quebec means working for less money. The lack of worker mobility because language is the number one factor.
It's no different than the bygone practice of controlling women by keeping them "barefoot and pregnant," a cynical device to keep women in their place.

Nobody can deny the effect of Bill 101 in transforming Quebec from a bilingual to French only society. The higher echelons of elected government, the bureaucracy, state controlled business have all eliminated English completely from daily affairs.
Years ago politicians, even separatists were fluently bilingual, including René Levesque, Jacques Parizeau, Lucien Bouchard, Daniel Johnson, André Boisclair and even Bernard Landry.
Today's politicians, Liberals included, can hardly speak a whit of English and this includes Liberal cabinet ministers who sound like tourists reading out of a handbook when speaking English.

Unlike the citizens in the street, most of these leaders remain firmly planted in unilingual Quebec society and cannot really see the utility of English.

And so the backlash begins.

Of course the French radicals who populate the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste, Mouvement Montréal français and the majority of readers and writers on vigile.net have no qualms about opposing this bilingualism initiative on principle, but they are of no import, they have zero power.

The meaningful push back will come from those who have the political power and will to sabotage the bilingualism project from the inside. These are the politicians, the school board officials, the teacher's union who will pronounce themselves firmly in favour of bilingualism...with an asterik.
They will cleverly support bilingualism publicly, but work to sink the implementation of any such project from the inside.

Yves Parenteau of the Teacher's Alliance;
"We already had trouble teaching all the content in the other subjects. The problem will worsen if we have to steal time
from other disciplines in order to teach  English" LINK{FR}

There is really no political will to speak of in the French school system to teach English. While everybody pretends that it's a good idea, the entire system will fight to keep English out.

The teacher's union, which doesn't have members with the capacity to teach English will fight tooth and nail to keep Anglophone teachers from replacing unilingual francophone teachers and that's just a start.
The ideologues throughout the system, be it the Ministry of Education, the school commissions and the teachers themselves will work to frustrate any plan to further the teaching of English.

In the meantime a policy of misinformation, ignorance and misdirection towards the teaching of English continues unabated in the media

A recurring theme in many of those complaining about the proposed language training, is that it isn't fair that English students will not be subjected to the same intensive training in French. Here's a typical complaint{FR}

What an ignorant fool!

Most Francophones remain entirely ignorant of the efforts of the English community to teach French intensively to their children. Here in a letter to Le Devoir by Jean-Michel Brunet, a French teacher in an English school, sets the record straight LINK{FR}
By the way, as most parents can attest, this intense French language instruction doesn't turn the children into francophones, but rather, bilingual anglophones!
Intensive French instruction for English students has been in the curriculum of English schools for over thirty years, with French immersion and general language starting in kindergarten.

Gilles Proulx, the French blowhard radio and television personality, gratuitously claims that English high school students can't speak a word of French, a lie that only an ignorant fool would propagate.

French educational 'intellectuals' continue to weave the fiction that starting young children on second language instruction is dangerous and confusing, a concept that runs counter to what the rest of the world believes.
The myth that learning English turns Francophones into Englishmen is perhaps the most monstrous of all the distortions propagated, yet we hear it every day.

Look for this project to teach English intensively to die a death of a thousand cuts. While nobody will admit to it, there will be an insurmountable campaign to scuttle the plan because while educators agree that learning English is important, they aren't really in favour of it.

And so it remains that your typical francophone high school graduate cannot ask for the time of day in English and come to think of it, neither can their teachers.

Parents who seek English for their children will do what they need to do, outside of the system.  More kids learn English by playing video games and watching English television and movies than through the entire English training provided by the French educational system.

Francophones who learn English do so on their own, by their own ingenuity and effort, and they should be congratulated.

In acquiring English they never could count on the support of the French educational system and sadly, notwithstanding Mr. Charest's announcement, they never will.

Instead of looking to the English school boards as an example of how to properly teach a second language, the government is setting out on a program doomed to fail from the start. Every English parent who has sent their child to English school where French is taught intensely, knows that it takes years of training and that the earlier the exposure to a second language starts the better.

French language militants who want to keep franncophone Quebeckers unilingual, should applaud Mr. Charest's effort.
As the greatest English playwright said in Macbeth - it is a case of;
  'Sound and fury, signifying nothing"

Thursday, February 3, 2011

Montreal and Quebec Veering Off in Opposite Directions

While Pierre Curzi and his entourage of language Apartheidists fulminate against the teaching of English in Quebec, it's good to see many of us on both sides of the language equation giving short shrift to the notion of restricting rather than expanding student's horizons.
"Collège Jean-de-Brébeuf, a French-language junior college, and Marianopolis College, an English-language counterpart, will offer Quebec's first inter-college bilingual exchange program.
Students who apply and demonstrate a proficiency in their non-dominant official language will be allowed to study at the other college." Read more at CBC
And at two Montreal area private high schools, one Muslim French and one Jewish English;
"They came, Jewish and Muslim teens from English and French backgrounds, to meet and discover for themselves what keeps them apart.
Many of them live in the same community, but never meet or mingle with the other group. Each group has been somewhat fearful of the other.
To hear them tell it, what's been keeping them apart is hearsay, misconceptions and stereotypes." Read more at the Montreal Gazette
While watching an interview the other day with Pauline Marois, who was struggling mightily to give an interviewer a tiny sound bite in English, in regard to the shale gas debate, it occurred to me how far apart the gulf between Montreal and the rest of Quebec (ROQ) has become in terms of capacity and determination to speak the other official language.

Madame Marois was so ill prepared for the interview that she fumbled around rather clumsily before giving up and using the French term of '"gaz de schiste' for the English "shale gas."
While both terms have only recently become widely used, you'd think that she'd know the English term, or failing that, turn to an aide and ask for the translation for the word before giving an English interview on the subject, it wouldn't have taken a big effort.
Instead she was oblivious to the fact, or didn't care a whit that she came off looking like a stuttering tourist, instead of the next potential Premier of Quebec.
There's a word that language militants bandy about in describing we anglos that applies perfectly in this situation. mépris ( contempt, scorn.)

For a good laugh, watch this video of Pauline struggling in English.


Madame Marois is not atypical of the new political class who hail from outside Montreal and cannot speak English worth a damn. She is representative of the new reality. While Montreal is bilingual and getting more bilingual everyday, the rest of Quebec is unilingual and getting more unilingual everyday.
"....It's right up there in Chapter One, Article One of the city's charter: "Montreal is a French-speaking city."
But as just about anyone can tell you, the fact is that Montreal is bilingual. At least, that is the overwhelming conclusion of a survey last week for the Association of Canadian Studies.
Eighty per cent of Quebecers agree with the statement: "Montreal is a bilingual city,......" Read more in the Montreal Gazette
And so two visions of Quebec emerge, a bilingual (and multi-ethnic) reality as evinced by the greater Montreal region and an insular unilingual society that exists in the rest of Quebec.

Interestingly, the two camps are almost evenly divided in terms of population, but in terms of economic clout, productivity and creativity, the 'bilings' hold a massive advantage.

Considering the relative equilibrium in terms of demographic weight, one would think that the language debate would be a bit more balanced, but somehow it isn't. It seems that those proposing a more restrictive French language society hold a distinct advantage in the public debate.

To explain this one only has to look at the political structure of Quebec and it's supposedly representative National Assembly.

The greater Montreal area, home to over 3 million people (almost half of Quebec's population,) is sadly under-represented, to the point that there is a considerable bias in the National Assembly towards the boonies and the  'provincial' mentality.

Some Montreal electorial districts are so densely populated in comparison to rural districts that the effect is that a vote in the Gaspé has twice the weight compared to a vote in Montreal. The ROQ get up to 50% more members of Parliament than it deserves demographically.

NO FAIR!...but a fact.

And so the voices in Parliament are decidedly and unfairly unilingual. The number of Francophone members who can speak English above a high-school level continues to diminish, even in the Liberal party.

Gone are the days of René  Levesque and Jacques Parizeau, each wonderfully bilingual notwithstanding their politics.

It isn't a coincidence that each had spent time abroad, Levesque as a war reporter who worked largely in English while Parizeau studied at the London School of Economics in England.

Today's Parti Quebecois, with a few exceptions (Bernard Drainville, plus another half dozen) is largely unilingual with most members' idea of a foreign English adventure, a trip to Ogunquit beach.

The Liberal Party is not much better, even French cabinet ministers struggle to give a decent interview in English.
Only the Anglos members of the Liberal party and Premier Charest remain truly bilingual.

Sixty-six years ago  Hugh MacLennan wrote of the Two Solitudes that represented the gulf between Francophone Quebec and Anglophone Canada.

Today a new gulf has emerged, one that could never have been foreseen, even thirty years ago. It is the gulf between Montreal which represents a bilingual multi-ethnic society as opposed to the unilingual, mono-cultured society that is the ROQ.

As time goes by, the two societies seem to like each other less and less, with Montrealers scornful of the provincial rubes and the unilingual ROQers terrified that their world is evolving out of their comfort zone. 

Which societal path will Quebec follow in the future?
With the economic power of the province lying with Montreal, but the political power lying with the ROQ, which faction will gain the upper hand?

Will the province become more like Montreal or will Montreal become more like the province?

Readers.... it's time for you to weigh in.

Sunday, January 16, 2011

Quebec Ethnics Destroy the Separatist Dream

The battle for Quebec sovereignty kicked off in earnest with the election of Quebec's first separatist government in 1976.
The newly elected Part Quebecois government, while giddy with its success at the polls was no less realistic that its dream of sovereignty was a goal that under the then, present circumstances, notwithstanding the election victory, was far from realizable.

Elected on the platform of good government first, and perhaps sovereignty later, the Parti Quebecois swept to an overwhelming victory in terms of parliamentary seats, but still only garnered 41% of the popular vote.
Getting the population to move from that percentage, to the 50% plus one support needed in an eventual referendum, was a problem that the new government was determined to tackle head on.

The first order of business was to transform the mindset of Quebeckers from comfortable Canadians, to that of paranoid Quebeckers, which was to be accomplished by heightening and focusing on the differences between the French and English elements of society through manufactured conflict, reminding us of the proverb that tells us that  "In danger, there is opportunity"

The demonization of the English, already a popular theme among the militants, would be brought to the mainstream, so that an US versus THEM mentality could be created and exploited in order to sell the political agenda of separation, through the artificial fear that the English were out to destroy Francophone culture and the French language.

And so it was decided to come down hard on Quebec's English population, the demonization would be subtle, yet substantial.
Quebec Francophones would be introduced to the big lie that living among the English was a toxic formula for assimilation, notwithstanding the fact that French has thrived under just such conditions for the 250 year period of the so-called 'colonial occupation'

A year after the election of the PQ, chief language hardliner Dr. Camille Laurin, drafted Bill 101, Quebec's infamous language law, an instrument of division, meant not only to promote French over English, but to establish English speakers as second class citizens.

When René Levesque first saw a draft of Bill 101, he almost choked, pointing out to the good doctor that many of its provisions were clearly anti-constitutional and could never withstand any sort of court challenge. The wholesale stripping of language rights seemed to the newly elected Premier overly harsh and cruel, something that he admitted, deeply humiliated him. But the cabinet backed the hard line and Bill 110 became law.
Dr. Laurin happily admitted that his law was unconstitutional and that portions would surely be struck down in the Supreme Court, especially those parts making French the only official language of the courts and Parliament, something expressly forbidden in the BNA act.
To Doctor Laurin the inevitable reversals in court could be manipulated to amplify the theme of French humiliation and victimization that would bolster the cause of sovereignty by proving to the ordinary man in the street that Ottawa was determined to undermine the legitimate defence of the French language.

The effect of Bill 101 was electrifying.
Not only did it reset the historical direction of language relations in the province, it served to terrify many Anglophones into leaving the province in a historic Exodus, a migration of epic proportion, not seen in this country since the displacement of the United Empire Loyalists after the American War of Independence.

The law also had the effect of chasing the head offices of much of the big business establishment out of Montreal, where they once represented over 70% of all corporate power in Canada, to Toronto and parts west. The departure of the mighty SUN LIFE insurance company set off the stampede that represented the final nail in the coffin of Montreal as Canada's leading city.

Driving the highly mobile Anglos out of the province was a dream come true for the separatists who were rubbing their hands in glee as this secondary gift of Bill 101 proved even more satisfactory than could have been imagined.
The loss of the business establishment and sizable portion of the English community was deemed to be what today we call 'acceptable collateral damage,' a dose of painful medicine, necessary if Quebec was to find its own path to sovereignty.

In spite of these 'successes' the first referendum loss in 1980 was not unexpected, but not particularly disheartening to separatist forces in general and the Parti Quebecois in particular. The numbers were such that the separatists could reasonably look forward to another kick at the can at a later date, once the full force of the English retreat was realized, coupled with the gradual upward acceptance of sovereignty by the francophone majority as a result of the various Parti Quebecois programs and the effect of Bill 101.

The separatists were not troubled by the fact that the minorities had voted massively against sovereignty in that first referendum.
It was understood that since these 'outsiders' had already been assimilated in the greater English community, due largely to the fact that they were educated in the English education system, it was natural that they would align themselves on the NO side.
Up until that time, Muslims, Jews, Greeks and other non-Catholics had been denied entry into Quebec's French schools which was then run by the Catholic Church. These minorities were forced into the province's Protestant system, which was run in exclusively in English.  Even the Italians, themselves Catholic, attended their own separate English schools. The desire of the Catholic church to isolate French Quebeckers from the influence of the immigrant 'heathens' would have an incalculable impact on the future of the sovereignty question.

However,  the separatists were confident that this would change once all the immigrant students were forced into French schools as per Bill 101, which was thought to be, the ultimate assimilator.

They believed that while the first generation of immigrants would remain aligned with the English, the second and certainly the third generation, educated in French, would assimilate into the French community.

The referendum results of 1995 proved this theory as flawed as the Maginot Line.

'Allophones' as they became to be known, even those educated in French, voted massively in favour of Canada.
For separatists, losing the referendum by the slimmest of margins was difficult enough to digest, but the realization that Allophones had made the difference, felt like a knife through a heart. While they always expected the remaining English community to vote NO, the rejection of the sovereignty option by the allophones in such a massive proportion,  fuelled a bitter sense of betrayal.


It boiled over in Jacque Parizeau's raging post-referendum concession speech, where he specifically pointed the finger at the allophones as the cause of the defeat.

The grand demographic plan of getting rid of a significant proportion of Anglos and replacing them with assimilated immigrants has blown up miserably.

The separatists had inadvertently opened a Pandora's box, and the sheer numbers of immigrants that continue to come to Quebec makes sovereignty a virtual impossibility, as long as second, third and forth generation immigrants continue the voting pattern of their parents.

All this is not lost on hardliners.... and they are not pleased. In fact they are enraged. Watching sovereignty go up in smoke is a dish hard to digest.

And so the backlash has begun. Although Parizeau was the first to unload on the ethnics, it was left to pompous and insufferable Yves Michaud, another PQ hardliner to enunciate the new mantra of nationalists, that the Ethnics betrayed the 'real Quebeckers" by voting massively for Canada.
His subsequent censure for racism in Quebec's Parliament is the story that rages on today as militants defend his honour and hold him up as a martyr to the cause.

This rage has morphed into an unprecedented racist attack on all Quebec minorities. Born in the pages of nationalist websites, this campaign of hate has crossed over into mainstream media.

Allophones have now become "Les Ethnies," a term that is nothing more than a pejorative for these 'outsiders' who have replaced the English as the enemy of nationalist Quebeckers.

For those who think I'm exaggerating, read my next few posts for a shocking exposé of the open demonization of Quebec's ethnic communities and their portrayal as a threat to the cultural and linguistic 'purity' of the Quebecois 'pure laine'.
It isn't pretty.

Tomorrow- The extremist websites racist attacks on Ethnics.

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

René Levesque In A Skirt?

I finally got around to watching a recorded TV version of the Fete Saint Jean parade which was held on the June 24th.

For most anglos, attending the parade is not high on the things-to-do-before-you-die list. The parade is so far out in the east end of Montreal that those of us who would wish to attend would need to pack a suitcase.

The short parade (1 hour) clearly suffers from a lack of sponsorship, it's plainly evident that there aren't too many companies keen to be identified with what is clearly a nationalist/sovereignist manifestation. The only sponsors I could make out (aside from the state monopolies) were Amaro water and Labatt's beer. It made for an amateurish and decidedly lame affair.

Now before I go on to critique the parade unfavourably, let me state clearly that the Canada Day Parade is every bit as lame.

Montreal is a one parade town, nothing beats the St. Patrick's Day parade, a magnificent display of real inclusiveness, one that turns every Montrealer, Irish for a day. The massive parade is so popular that there's a waiting list to join. There is no finer parade in Canada and the fete Saint Jean parade pales in comparison.


But I digress, back to the Fete Saint Jean parade. The 'defile" is centered around 'giant' personalities from Quebec history, standing some 5 meters high. The lack of an engineering budget forced the 'géants' to be enrobed with a skirt-like covering to hide the propulsion device (feet?). This wasn't a problem for the female representations, but René Levesque in a skirt was a bit 'outre.' On the other hand Saint Patrick looked great in his priestly attire and was clearly the best of these floats.

As someone who as a young lad was deathly frightened of Santa Claus and utterly horrified at the banshee-like laugh of the Fat Lady of Belmont Park, I couldn't help wonder if these garish effigies would somehow have the same effect on children. Perhaps not, kids are more sophisticated today.

At any rate, the most positive thing I can say, is that the crowd was large and ready to cheer just about anything that came by. As for it's make-up, it's hard to tell from the TV, as the commentators were quick to interview any brown or black face that they could find, thus validating the parade's theme-"My separatist parade is inclusive!"

Marching between the géants were groups of mostly teenagers, marching, dancing or otherwise presenting various talents. They could have used a dress rehearsal and the best that can be said, is that they all deserve an 'A' for effort.

By far, the gayest display most artistic display was a group of synchronized swimmers who performed a land version of their routine. Check out the moves of the guy members of the troupe in the video below.




Then there was this 'float' which seemed to be celebrating graffiti art.



The newest 'géant' of Canadiens legend Maurice Richard was certainly impressive. No skirt for the Rocket! The artists who created this 'géant', by accident or design, certainly got his famous flashing eyes right, but the 'Rocket' looked a little out of uniform without the famous C-H on his chest. I don't know why it was omitted, perhaps because it represented 'Canadiens' or problems with permissions from the hockey club. Dunno, but it looked a bit retarded. At least the guys schlepping the trailer had the right jersey on.

I wouldn't have added a picture of the 'Human Flag', a guy who gave a male version of a pole-dance, except for the fact that I saw someone at the Canada Day celebration in Ottawa do the exact same act, one week later. Sheesh, it wasn't that good the first time.















Bringing up the rear was a line of dignitaries, marching behind a blue ribbon. The regular cast of sovereignists were there, including Mario Beaulieu of the Societe Saint-Jean Baptiste (the guy who wanted to kick out the 2 anglo bands.)
Françoise David and Amir Khadir of the ultra sovereignist Québec solidaire party, Gilles Duceppe of the Bloc Quebecois and our old friend Bernard Landry. Other staunch defenders of the faith attending were Gérald Larose (longtime unionist militant) and Maka Kotto from the PQ (adding a little colour).


The parade wended its way to Maisonneuve Park where the real talent was presented that evening. I guess it all comes down to budget. The show, aside from host Guy A. Lepage's crude separatist missives was entertaining and showcased some of Quebec's most important artists.

For anglos, the best part of the day was the fantastic weather and for those of us who stayed in town, it was a great day for a backyard barbecue!